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  #1    
Old 07-25-02, 09:06 PM
mwenmenm mwenmenm is offline
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Deye Mou'n gin mou'n: Kiyes ki deye ou?

Mes bons amis, je suis de retour. Apres avoir été l'objet d'intenses attaques venant des chimères lavalassiens, j'ai du prendre du recul pour solidifier ma base. Mes parents sont pour le moment hors de danger. Moi, je suis actuellement en Haïti, j'y suis et j'ai l'intention d'y rester jusqu'a la fin de la dictature des chimères.
A quel point en est-on?
Nous sommes au point ou tout est possible a court terme. Aristide peut être "history" a tout moment (comme l'a indique le député de Jacmel). Les membres de la convergence peuvent être l'objet d'attaques très intenses. Les narco-chimères peuvent à tout moment marcher en direction du palais et prendre le pouvoir sans faire face à la moindre résistance. La nation peut se soulever de façon violente "nimpo't moment". Une seule chose est sure, il n'y aura pas de solution pacifique a cette crise. Il n'y aura pas non plus de solution "haïtienne" a la crise car les intérêts sont trop antagoniques et les acteurs trop égocentriques.
Quoi faire?
La réponse est claire:
Choisir votre camp
Il y en a deux pour le moment. D'une part, la convergence démocratique réformiste, « patatiste », orgueilleuse et instable. D'autre part "Fanmy Lavalas" constitue de sousous, d'apprentis dictateurs, d'assoiffe de pouvoirs, infesté de narco-politiciens dirige par quelqu'un qui est revanchard, "intelligent et ti intelligent", et qui n'a pas fait preuve d'avoir une vision globale et de long terme de la réalité des choses.
Quel camp choisir?
Il est certain que quelqu'un de sérieux ne se mettra ni du cote de Lavalas ni de celui de la convergence pour des raisons claires. Les deux sont voues à l'échec. Il faut donc un troisième groupe ayant pour leitmotive: l'intérêt national, la solidification des liens entre les différents groupes sociaux, la démocratie, le développement, la justice sociale... Pour le moment, malheureusement, la communauté internationale parait être le seul groupe directement implique dans la crise qui semble avoir ces points dans son agenda. Ceci parait très inconfortable. Il faut donc la constitution d'un groupe, constitue de gens modernes et de patriotes, pouvant se présenter comme l'alternative du moment.
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  #2    
Old 07-25-02, 10:07 PM
jafrikayiti jafrikayiti is offline
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Onè,
Wi, se byen pou popilasyon an òganize li ak fòmasyon bon jan pati politik ki pa sanble ak sa granmoun devègonde yo ap kontwole sou teren politik aktyèl la. Men, fòk nou rekonèt tou ke aktyèlman gen yon gouvènman lejitim opouvwa nan peyi d Ayiti. Kidonk, se pou li konplete manda li kòmsadwa. Tout vagabon woulibè ki bezwen CIA mete yo opouvwa pap janm jwenn sipò pa mwen.
Se paske twòp nan noumenm Ayisyen abitye aksepte sa ki inakseptab ki fè nou rive kote nou ye laa.
Wi Lavalas devye anpil de plan orijinal la. Jistis Transparans ak Patisipasyon se pa sa li delivre kòm machandiz. Kidonk, mwenmenm tou mwen gen anpil ensatisfaksyon. Lè yon pati fè dezòd konsa, elektè yo dwe pini li kòmsadwa. Men se ak bilten vòt ke sa dwe fèt. Se pa nan al mande CIA ak anbasad Etazini vin fè koudeta pou bay yon lòt gwoup pouvwa popetwèl.
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Men yon ti lekti ki apwopriye nan kontèks disksyon ou tanmen la a...
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«Mwen konnen nèg nwè a sa li ye?e mwen pap ezite di ou ke li pa kapab gouvène, e si ou ta lage koze fè epi aplike lalwa sou zile nou yo nan men li, ou ta mèt konnen se kondane ou tou kondane yo pou yo dekonstonbre?
Sa se pawòl ki sòti nan dyòl «diplomat» britanik Spenser St-John alepòk kote zagribay rasis sa yo te konn pale sa ki nan kè yo tout bon vre ? oudimwens pou sa ki konsène pòtre yo gen nan tèt yo pou noumenm pitit Lafrik Ginen.
Pou sila yo ki jiskaprezan pa vle rekonèt ke se ak yon makòn rasis tankou Spenser St-John nou annafè la a, men yon ti lòsyè mwen ranmase sou paj www.fair.org kote yon seri frè ak sè nou ki derefize kontinye viv nan ipokrizi ak manti mete anpil kakachat deyò parapò a maladi rasis k ap ravaje lelit k ap dirije peyi Etazini an.
Atik sa a touche sitou laprès Ozetazini, men se menm atitid sa a nou wè Bourik Chaje#3 (Brian Dean Curran) adopte lè l ap bay NCHR pri li bay la epi tout pwofite fè bann kòmantè tèt bòbèch li fè yo. BCh#3 pran pòz li admèt Etazini fè erè nan politik li vizavi Ayiti, demannyè pou li ka pwofite antere jan CIA, USAID, Anbasad la ak plizyè lòt antite Meriken gen men yo tranpe byen fon nan krim k ap komèt kont pèp Ayisyen an depi dikdantan.
Souple èske nou ka dim kisa Lynn Garrisson (blan Kanadyen anglofòn, ajan CIA ki te konseye Cedras la) ap regle sètansi? E lòt ekip rasis ki te nan Special Forces yo ki esplike aklè kijan yo te abitye fè kadejak sou jenn fanm pandan epòk koudeta a epi terorize mas pèp la, distribye zam bay FRAPH elatriye... kote yo ye? Èske nou li kisa Stan Goff, ansyen sòlda Meriken ekri nan liv li «Hideaous Dream». E Rockwood limenm ki sibi lakou masyal?
Mezanmi si Ameriken sa yo jwenn kouraj pou yo pale - e se sèten yo konnen CIA ka touye yo, poukisa noumenm Ayisyen nou derefize mete kakachat deyò pou nou pwoteje lavi frè ak sè nou yo?
Ajan KKK yo ap demele yo jan yo konnen pou yon lòbèy pete nan peyi a, menmjan sa te pase Rwanda. Apresa yo pral rale ti mouchwa yo pou yo vin fè grimas ipokrit devan kamera televizyon.
Si nou suiv sa k ap pase Gonayiv jounen jodi a, nou va wè moman an grav anpil vye fanmi m yo. Se pa egzajere m ap egzajere non. Fè yon ti lekti sou nouvèl yo, nou va remake gen anpil danje ki pandye anwo tèt pèp Ayisyen nan jou k ap vini yo.
Mwen konprann anpil nèg pa vle pale sa yo pa konnen ? se byen. Men, mwenmenm mwen derefize toufe ak sa mwen konnen ke nou tout konnen byen pwòp pandan tout aranjman ap fèt pou san frè ak sè nou yo pran koule san rete nan peyi nou.
Konsyans mwen pa pèmèt mwen pe.
Wi! Mwen gen anpil respè ak rekonesans pou kèk blan ki gen anpil kouraj pou yo di verite sa yo. Yon seri verite ke anpil nèg pa gen kouraj afime. Yon pati paske yo pa gen konfyans nan tèt yo. Yon pati paske yo kapon. Yon lòt pati paske yo pa enfòme. Yon pati paske yo pran nan pyèj kòmkwa denonse plan mafya rasis la, se fè eskiz pou tenten gouvènman an plas la komèt - oudimwens pi rèd toujou se jwe jwèt fo nasyonalis k ap fè diskou nwaris toutlasent jounen.
Chak nèg pran responsablite yo. Mwenmenm se pawòl doktè King yo ki enspire mwen pale anpil konsa. Misye te di jenerasyon sa a ap gen pou li repanti non sèlman pou krim mechan yo komèt men tou pou silans konplis swadizan «bon moun» yo.
Toutotan gen moun ki pare pou yo goumen ak tout nanm yo pou lajistis ak laverite triyonfe, gen lespwa ke yon demen miyò ka rive tout bon vre pou tout pitit Bondye.
Mèsi tout vrè zanmi Ayiti ki derefize fèmen bouch yo. Mèsi tout Ayisyen ki derefize rete de bra kwaze ap gade yon jenosid anonse !
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http://www.fair.org/extra/9412/haiti.html
Haiti: The Crisis Is Not Over
The New Yorker magazine wrote an editorial (10/17/94) to mark President Aristide's return to Port-au-Prince. "Political murders," the liberal weekly stated, "have practically ended.... Haiti's
extreme human rights emergency -- the reign of torture, terror and death...is for the moment over."
In fact, as the Weekly News Update on the Americas (published by the Nicaragua Solidarity Network) pointed out (10/16/94), human rights violations actually continued at nearly the same
rate following the U.S. occupation. The total reported killings by "attaches" and others associated with the military regime was between 31 and 46 during the first weeks of the U.S. occupation, or about 10 to 15 murders each week. If, as the U.S. government estimates, 3,000 people were murdered during three years of military rule, that's roughly 19 murders a week.
Despite the actual record in Haiti, mainstream news outlets have been pushing the idea that the human rights crisis in Haiti is over. The real threat, journalists suggest, is now from "popular vengeance" or "mob violence" -- overlooking the continuing violence coming from the very sectors that the U.S. military has picked to keep "order" in Haiti.
Some major media -- including the Washington Post, New York Times, CBS and NBC -- did pick up on Allan Nairn's reporting in The Nation (10/24/94) about U.S. ties to the Haitian death
squad FRAPH. But an interesting pattern was noted by Village Voice press critic James Ledbetter (10/18/94): Most outlets covered Nairn's revelation that FRAPH leader Emannuel
Constantwas a paid informant of the CIA. But Constant's statement that he was encouraged to form FRAPH by the U.S. military intelligence attache, who wanted a "balance" to forces seeking the return of ousted President Aristide, was reported only "sporadically," Ledbetter noted. And Constant's charge that this same U.S. intelligence official, along with the top-ranking CIA officer in Haiti, were both present in Haiti's military headquarters the day that Aristide was overthrown, was almost totally ignored.
This pattern suggests that the mainstream press is not ready to fully discuss U.S. intelligence involvement with the forces that the U.S. military is supposedly in Haiti to displace. It's OK to admit that the CIA is getting information from unsavory organizations, but looking into whether those unsavory organizations were set up by the CIA? They'll leave that to The Nation.
The unwillingness to see the U.S. role in Haiti's politics was taken to an extreme in a Washington Post piece by Ken Ringle (10/13/94), headlined: "The Spirit of Haiti: Haunted by a Dark History, It Remains an Island in the Sun". It's presented as a lesson in Haitian history, but the history has some obvious gaps: It skips from 1915 to 1957, for example, completely omitting the U.S. occupation from 1915 to 1934. The piece doesn't mention any of the countless foreign interventions that have plagued Haiti since its independence. And even its descriptions of the horrors of French colonialism are an opportunity for Ringle to tout the comparatively enlightened slave-owners in the U.S. South, where "slaves' value as property mitigated to a great extent
mistreatment that endangered their lives."
Ringle demonstrates how far Haiti had sunk into "poverty, terror and superstition" by quoting Sir Spenser St. John, a British diplomat, on supposed Haitian cannibalism. Ringle might have quoted a longer passage from St. John's writings, to illustrate the caliber of the sources the Post relies on: "I know what the black man is," St. John declared, "and I have no hesitation in declaring that he is incapable of the art of government, and that to trust him with framing and working the laws for our islands is to condemn them to inevitable ruin." (Uses of Haiti, Paul Farmer)
Someone who is a bit more willing to examine the real historical role of the U.S. in "our islands" is George Bergman, who at 96 is one of the last living veterans of the last U.S. occupation of Haiti.
Interviewed on NPR's Morning Edition (10/12/94), Bergman said that he spent most of his time there hunting down rebels: "It was our job to root 'em out. I don't know why, but that's the job we were given. That's what we did. See, in retrospect, you see a lot of things in retrospect you never see immediately. In retrospect, to me right now, if you ask me, I say they were the patriots and...we were the intruders. But that comes 75 years later, that thinking." Let's hope we don't have to wait 75 years for some better reporting on the current situation in Haiti.
«How long shall we stand and watch...while they kill our prophets? ... Get up stand up! stand up for your rights!» Robert Nesta Marley
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  #3    
Old 07-30-02, 02:03 AM
Noudweront Noudweront is offline
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Souple èske nou ka dim kisa Lynn Garrisson (blan Kanadyen anglofòn, ajan CIA ki te konseye Cedras la) ap regle sètansi?
Lynn Garrison se yon blon je ble ki kolekte e vann penti Ayisyen nan yon galri Los Anjeles. Li abite Vankouve, li monte desann Wes Kos-la (Kot Wes). Li toujou pase tout kote ke penti Ayisyen paret (Detwa, Filadelfi e menm San Lwi), men li kanpe lwen Is Kos (Kot Es)-la, vil tankou Nou Yok, Boston ak Miyami kote ki gen twop Ayisyen je kale.
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  #4    
Old 07-30-02, 02:35 AM
jako jako is offline
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Bravo mwenmenm

Tu as touche juste. Il nous faut une troisieme alternative lucide afin de nous retirer de ce bourbier qui ne fait que se repeter pendant deux cents ans. L'heure est grave. Malheureusement une telle alternative pourrait etre tres couteuse. Le temps qu'il nous prendrait pour amasser pareille somme, les choses seront deja trop tard, avec la vitesse ou elles vont.
La seule alternative serait une dictature a la truijjo, progressiste, car quel que ce soit, cette troisieme, quatrieme, etc ieme alternative trouvera toujours des batons dans les roues, tant qu'il y aura cette macaquerie de democratie en Haiti, avec un parlement corrompu, paresseux, et monfoubin.
Malheureusement, et c'est ce dont je crains, le seul homme capable de tout transformer en dictature, c'est Aristide. Aristide qui ne semble pas avoir la trempe progressiste de Trujillo. Mais que je vois plutot en un Duvalier beacoup plus ruse et malin que nous ayons connu.
Qu'en sera-t-il? Des deux, ou trois cotes (avec l'alternative), les choses ne changeront pas. Ce sont deux cents d'exemples enracines chez eux. Il faudrait faire une tres, tres bonne purge, quasiment impossible.
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  #5    
Old 07-30-02, 11:43 AM
langomier langomier is offline
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Jako, en politique en ce qui concerne Haiti, on a toujours tendance a personaliser les choses. If faut comprendre Aristide pour pourvoir voir ces methodes de gouverner. L'homme (Aristide) a ete transforme au fil des ans. Il a beaucoup appris. Il a ete tres souvent trahi par des gens su qui ils avaient compte. Quand on en rentre en contact avec les haitiens, il faut toujours avoir les yeux ouverts et quand on sait l'origine de son pouvoir, on peut comprendre son attitude vis a vis de certaines choses. Aristide represente l'aspiration des masses populaires haitiennes qui auraient souhaite un changement de condition de vie. Mais il y a beaucoup de forces qui s'opposent a tout progres de nos masses. Ce qu'il nous faut c'est une campagne d'education a tous les niveaux de notre societe. C'est pas seulement les masses qui doivent etre eduques mais aussi la classe moyenne et la bourgeoisie haitienne. Chaque haitien a un role a jouer dans le development du pays. Il ne faut pas critiquer ce que Aristide represente pour les masses haitiennes qui constituent plus de 75% du pays mais il faut prendre conscience et dire il faut les aider et on aidera le pays.
Langomier
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