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Miami-Dade Commission change could stir Racial tension

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MIAMI-DADE COUNTY Commission
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Published by bana2166- 04-03-07
news Miami-Dade Commission change could stir Racial tension

MIAMI-DADE COUNTY: Dade commission change could stir tension
Racial tension in Miami-Dade politics could be exacerbated by a debate over the County Commission's structure.
The next flare-up in Miami-Dade's increasingly tense ethnic politics might be attached to a long fuse lit months ago by Mayor Carlos Alvarez.
Answering questions after a late-January breakfast speech at the Miami City Club, he gingerly toed into a 20-year-old fight about how citizens should be represented on the County Commission.
''Without a doubt, there is a lot of interest in a combination of single-member districts and at-large,'' he said. ``It's a very touchy subject, but one there's a lot of interest in, without a doubt.''
From another politician at another time, it might have been a blip; polls show broad dissatisfaction with the County Commission, and Alvarez is not the first to suggest tinkering with its structure by adding members who are elected by the full county instead of a small district.
But the idea -- which Alvarez and others believe is bound to surface this spring when commissioners appoint a task force to study changing the county charter -- is seen as an attack by many black leaders, who fear their share of commission seats would fall. Some are especially apprehensive after two earlier incidents with racial undertones.
First, black voters overwhelmingly opposed Alvarez's successful bid to increase his power, fearing an end to the commission's ability to spread jobs and contracts among various ethnic groups.
Less than two months later, Alvarez infuriated many prominent black leaders when he fired transit director Roosevelt Bradley -- one of the county's highest-ranking black administrators.
In that environment, ''the issue of at-large elections will definitely scrape the scab off the political relations between the various ethnic groups,'' said Miami attorney H.T. Smith, a prominent black leader. ``This is a power grab by elitists who believe they're smarter than everybody else.''
Smith was one of several people who testified in a 1986 federal lawsuit that gave rise to the current system of 13 single-member districts.
The suit alleged that the County Commission -- at the time, commissioners were elected countywide -- was not representing Dade County's growing minority population. Anglos made up 78 percent of the commission in 1986 but just 56 percent of the voters.
The few black commissioners who were elected countywide were too beholden to the votes and fundraising of whites and Hispanics, Smith said, which limited their ability to take on issues such as police brutality, affordable housing and economic development.
''It would be like an Israeli being elected by all Muslims,'' Smith said. ``If he wanted to get elected again, he would have to soften his rhetoric and couldn't be an outspoken advocate.''
NOTABLE FIGHT
In one notable fight leading up to the lawsuit, black homeowners in Northwest Dade were unable to stop former Miami Dolphins owner Joe Robbie from building a football stadium in their neighborhood.
''There was a great deal of frustration,'' said George Knox, a former Miami city attorney and one of the plaintiffs. ``There was no person who actually represented the interests of the people who resided in that geographic area.''
But Knox has also joined the ranks of politically prominent leaders who believe at-large commission seats need to be considered during an upcoming review of the county's charter.
''I think history is not going to support the notion that single-member district elections solved any of the problems or allayed any of the fears,'' Knox said. ``Blacks may not be very much better off in terms of the economics and politics since '86.''
The commission is stuck in a classic political crunch: hated as a body, loved as individuals. Scandals have driven its approval rating down around 40 percent, according to a poll conducted in January by the Metropolitan Center at Florida International University. But no commissioner has lost a reelection bid in 13 years; when half of them faced voters in 2006, not a single one was even taken to a runoff.
That makes significant change unlikely without a structural overhaul, which would need voters' approval.
''Commissioners were very committed to their districts but not always willing to see countywide issues -- that's the problem when you don't have any at-large members,'' said Ric Katz, a long-time lobbyist and campaign strategist. ``Having some at-large members would bring that perspective back to the commission.''
Such a debate, however, will inevitably be drenched in racial and ethnic suspicion and fueled by the ongoing tension between Alvarez and the commission.
''In light of what has occurred, I think now we need these four districts and their representatives more than ever,'' said Commissioner Audrey Edmonson.
Smith said the issue could be divisive enough to bring back the ethnic political battles of the late 1980s and early 1990s. Those fights peaked during a 1990 visit by South African leader Nelson Mandela, whose arrival was protested by some Cuban-Americans upset with Mandela's support for Fidel Castro. Smith responded by launching a massive tourism boycott that lasted three years.
''It's not like the tension is gone,'' Smith said. ``It's just below the surface.''
Former Miami Mayor Xavier Suarez, who joined Knox as a plaintiff in 1986, said he remains skeptical of at-large seats but believes voters are frustrated enough to try almost anything.
ISSUE `INESCAPABLE'
Former County Manager Merrett Stierheim floated the notion during his public appearances opposing the strong-mayor campaign, stopping short of an endorsement but saying the conversation is ``inescapable.''
He chaired a committee during the lawsuit that recommended a combination of at-large and single-member seats, but the proposal failed with voters because it was attached to a salary increase for commissioners.
A similar hybrid is used in Jacksonville, where the city council includes 14 districts and five at-large members who are elected county-wide but must reside in one of five residency areas.
The federal judge who ruled on the 1986 lawsuit suggested a similar system would not violate voting-rights laws.
''There were all sorts of systems that could have been in place,'' said U.S. District Judge Donald Graham. ``There were probably methods by which they could have had some at-large seats in those days, but they decided not to give it a try.''
CAMPAIGN COSTS
Countywide campaigns rely heavily on radio, television and polling, and require far more fundraising than district races; Edmonson said many legitimate candidates simply could not afford to run.
Four candidates in the 2004 mayor's race -- the last major countywide race in Miami-Dade -- spent more than $1 million. By contrast, not a single commission candidate spent more than Dorrin Rolle's $409,792.
The charter review task force, which the commission is supposed to convene every five years, is expected to tackle other explosive issues, as well. Commissioner José ''Pepe'' Diaz wants the group to discuss reinstating elections for constitutional officers: sheriff, tax collector, property appraiser and elections supervisor.
Even the task force's composition has become a political football. Under a bill sponsored by Commissioner Katy Sorenson, 10 local groups -- including in NAACP, League of Cities and Chamber of Commerce -- would each appoint one member. A competing bill filed by Diaz would allow one appointment from the mayor, each of the 13 commissioners and each of seven municipalities.
As 2007 is the 50th anniversary of Miami-Dade's charter, Commissioner Carlos Gimenez said task force will undergo a ''soup to nuts'' review.
''This should be the charter for the 21st century,'' he said.
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By bana2166 on 04-03-07, 08:23 AM
news Haitians Diaspora Political community have high profile but low clout

Haitians Diaspora Political community have high profile but low clout
WASHINGTON - The contrast is stark. Cuban Americans have a powerful Washington lobby that has helped win and maintain favorable treatment for its migrants.
Why can't the Haitian diaspora do the same?
The Haitian community has more friends than ever in high places in Congress, and its diaspora is throwing its muscle around more. But on immigration - a burning theme for many Haitians - its voice is muted.
Class and political divisions, some of them carried over from Haiti, hinder its lobbying clout on issues like immigration, several experts say, and explain in part the lack of congressional outcry when the 101 Haitians washed up on Hallandale Beach last Wednesday were immediately detained.
South Florida is home to the largest Haitian community in the country, with an estimated 329,883 of the 694,123 Haitians nationwide. And their status as one of the fastest-growing ethnic groups is reflected in their political gains.
Florida boasts two Haitian-American state lawmakers, and another recently served as secretary of health under former Gov. Jeb Bush, who actively courted the community's votes. In Chicago, Kwame Raoul, the son of Haitian emigres, now fills Sen. Barack Obama's former state Senate seat. And Pierre-Richard Prosper, the son of Haitian doctors, served as U.S. ambassador-at-large for war crimes after he was nominated by President Bush in January 2001. He ended his term in 2005.
Under heavy lobbying by the U.S. Congressional Black Caucus and some Republicans, Congress last month enacted the HOPE Act, and President Bush signed it. The act provides duty-free imports for some Haitian textiles. The Bush administration also spared Haiti some of the deep aid cuts that hit other Latin American nations.
The Congressional Black Caucus has long been Haiti's strongest advocate, urging more economic aid and criticizing the lack of U.S. support for former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, ousted in 2004 amid a violent uprising. And after the elections last November, Democrats active on Haiti issues now hold key posts.
Michigan Rep. John Conyers heads the Judiciary Committee, giving him a key say on immigration and refugee matters. Rep. Charles Rangel of New York now chairs the House Ways and Means Committee, which steers U.S. trade policy, among other matters. One member of that committee is U.S. Rep. Kendrick Meek of Florida, who traveled to Haiti this week to discuss immigration issues with President Rene Preval and the U.S. ambassador in Port-au-Prince.
"I want to make sure we are doing everything we need to do, and he's doing everything he has to do, to prevent Haitians from taking to the sea," said Meek, who has proposed several fixes in the sweeping immigration reform bill chugging through Congress to help many Haitians already here legalize their status.
Key Haiti supporters outside the Congressional Black Caucus have also advanced to important positions.
Rep. Nita Lowey of New York chairs a subcommittee of the Appropriations Committee that allots money for foreign-aid programs that affect Haiti. Another New Yorker, Rep. Eliot Engel, heads the Western Hemisphere subcommittee of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Last month, he invited Haitian hip-hop star Wyclef Jean to testify on aid to Haiti before the subcommittee.
"I cannot think of a country or subject more deserving of Congress' full and sustained attention than our neighbor, Haiti," Engel said at the March 13 hearing.
In recent years, the Republican Party has actively courted Haitian Americans, with Jeb Bush forming a task force of prominent Haitians and Haiti supporters to improve relations between Florida and the troubled Caribbean nation, and leading a delegation to Preval's inauguration last year. But while Haitian-American Republicans and Haiti's private sector used their budding clout with the GOP to lobby for the HOPE Act, critics say they failed to focus attention on the strict U.S. policy of returning undocumented migrants to Haiti.
In 2001, the Bush administration changed policy to keep in detention undocumented Haitian migrants who could prove a "credible fear" of persecution if deported, instead of releasing them pending further immigration procedures. "There is no question that the Republican Party basically was paying lip service in its efforts to increase its ranks by seemingly going after the Haitian-American community," said Phillip Brutus, a Haitian-American Democrat and former state lawmaker.
The Black Caucus was no better, Brutus added. "They should have been the ones to put the press release out," after the Hallandale Beach arrivals, he said. `They should have been the ones to say, `Let's take a stand on behalf of these poor black folk who look like us.'"
Another part of the problem is the class and political divisions in the Haitian-American community.
There is a small but growing affluent and professional class, with one foot planted in the United States and the other in Haiti and more likely to be Republicans, while the poorer majority is more likely to be aligned with Democrats.
And then there is the rift over Aristide, seen by some as a champion of the poor who was forced out of office by the Bush administration and by others who viewed him as a demagogue.
Regardless of those differences, Haitian migrants deserve better, said Meek, a Democrat who represents the largest bloc of Haitian-American voters and has consistently taken on U.S. immigration policy on behalf of Haitians.
Meek said that while he supports the wet foot/dry foot policy that allows Cuban migrants who set foot on U.S. territory to remain, Haitians should receive equal treatment.
"Those of us who live here in South Florida and Florida ... get a hard dose of reality every time we have Haitian immigrants get to the shores," he said. "It's polarizing for our community. We need to be patriotic about Haitian nationals."
Last week, Miami Archbishop John C. Favalora called the difference in the U.S. treatment of undocumented Cubans and Haitians an "apartheid situation."
On Sunday, Haitian activists joined with Brothers to the Rescue, a humanitarian group that used to scour the Florida Straits for Cuban rafters, in a prayer vigil and Catholic Mass at Ermita de la Caridad in Coconut Grove, Fla., on behalf of the Haitian migrants.
Meek's relations with some of the Haitian-American community's most vocal activists have grown lukewarm in recent months, however. Some of the activists supported Meek's Haitian-American challenger in the November election and claimed on Creole-language radio that he has done nothing for the community.
As a result, political observers in South Florida have wondered whether Meek would champion the community's cause with the same passion as in the past.
"My motivations are not political," said Meek, who immediately wrote letters to immigration officials on behalf of the Hallandale Beach arrivals. "I represent a community of struggle that is trying to seek justice when it comes to the application of U.S. law."--- - _
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By bana2166 on 04-03-07, 08:25 AM
That’s what happens when you choose to be divided instead of standing as one ..
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