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Part II: US adding fugitive squads that target immigrants who ignore expulsion orders

Click image for larger version Name: 28096111.jpg Views: 5 Size: 46.4 KB ID: 7384 Description: Hiding in haiti - Deported from South Florida, these parents left behind their two children. Both youngsters are American citizens. Their mom and dad, fearing for their lives, spend only a little time in any Haitian dwelling ? never more than a few days i
Hiding in haiti - Deported from South Florida, these parents left behind their two children. Both youngsters are American citizens. Their mom and dad, fearing for their lives, spend only a little time in any Haitian dwelling ? never more than a few days i
Click image for larger version Name: 28096114.jpg Views: 7 Size: 49.3 KB ID: 7385 Description: Left behind - With the children?s parents deported to Haiti, Sheila Phadael, an aunt, has temporary custody of the girl and her little brother.
Left behind - With the children?s parents deported to Haiti, Sheila Phadael, an aunt, has temporary custody of the girl and her little brother.
Click image for larger version Name: 28111191.jpg Views: 291 Size: 44.8 KB ID: 7394 Description:
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Published by bana2166- 02-26-07
news Part II: US adding fugitive squads that target immigrants who ignore expulsion orders

Split decision: Deportation redefines families
As more longtime residents are deported, many are forced to choose whether to leave their U.S.-born children behind
February 25, 2007
Port-au-prince · The couple stood amid the tap-tap buses and trash heaps last June, freshly deported and disbelieving.
They had left their two small children in South Florida with relatives, unsure what to tell them, without a proper goodbye. Now, standing on a sun-baked street in Haiti, they realized they lacked money for even a phone call. The father wore his uniform from a Coral Springs gas station, the same clothes he wore 17 days earlier when federal immigration agents came to their Sunrise home.
"I feel like I'm not a human; I couldn't even talk that day," he said, four months later. "When I talk to my kids [by phone], sometimes they don't talk back. It makes me very sad. They call somebody else mommy and daddy."
These two parents are among a growing number of foreign nationals rounded up by an expanding web of fugitive squads run by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The units target terror suspects and convicted criminals, along with immigrants who, like the Haitian couple, failed to report for deportation after losing a legal battle to stay in the United States.
Immigration rights groups say the trend has a troubling side effect: a growing number of children left behind. The removals often tear families apart, advocates say, as parents leave their U.S.-born children with relatives and friends.
"The government is creating a different group of children, of orphans, who will need all kinds of assistance," said Nora Sandigo, executive director of the American Fraternity, a South Florida immigrant advocacy group.
The couple, who are in hiding from political enemies in Haiti, asked not to be identified for security reasons. For several years they led a quiet suburban life in South Florida until their arrests in June.
They said they worked 70 hours a week in Broward County gas stations, she as a clerk and he as a manager, paid income taxes and tried not to draw attention to themselves. Their son and daughter were born in South Florida.
Last June, immigration agents parked before dawn outside their yellow, single-story home in a Sunrise neighborhood marked by scattered toys and tricycles. The mother said she walked out the door in a robe to move her car, and the agents moved in.
In the chaotic moments that followed, the agents asked for ID and told the family to get dressed. The mother said she told the agents her two children were in the house and pleaded to be left with them. The agents detained both parents, the family said, and left their children with an aunt who also lived in the house and stood bewildered in the living room. There was no time for goodbyes.
"My head was spinning like crazy. I was dizzy, and I started vomiting," recalled the mother.
The next time they saw their 2-year-old son and 5-year-old daughter, they were in a Pompano Beach detention center. The small boy didn't immediately recognize his father in his detention jumpsuit. When it was time to leave, the girl grabbed her father's hand, assuming they would all leave together.
"I can't go," he remembered saying, weakly.
Few refute the federal government's right to deport immigrants who, like the Haitian couple, had their day in court, lost, and then ignored a judge's order that they leave the country.
An immigration judge had denied the parents' application for political asylum -- a claim based on the father's assertion that political enemies in Haiti killed his mother and siblings.
By remaining in the United States, the couple fell into a category known as absconders. At any given time, more than 590,000 absconders are a priority for Immigration and Customs Enforcement and account for a growing number of all deportees.
Reshuffling a family
Advocates for immigrants argue that unlike many of the men and women arrested and turned back at the Mexican border or at sea, absconders have been allowed to live here for years, buying homes, and ushering their children into an all-American lifestyle.
Those seeking tougher limits on immigration say such dilemmas do not add up to a policy problem. Rather, they say, parents bear the responsibility for bringing their children into an untenable situation.
The day they were arrested, the Haitian parents quickly decided to ask family members to take care of the children, reasoning they were returning to huge risks in their homeland. That evening, the children's uncle, Fremiot Phadael, 42, picked them up and drove them to his home in Riviera Beach.
"That day I didn't eat. I kept thinking, `I have no other alternative but to take the children, but it's not going to be easy for us,'" recalled the slim and soft-spoken Phadael, a U.S. citizen who drives a tour bus and has three children of his own. As he spoke, he held his nephew in his lap. The boy curled up silently, and did not move for more than an hour.
Already stretched financially, living in a house with almost no furniture, Phadael and his wife considered taking out a second mortgage to help pay added school fees. His wife, Sheila, 36, who holds a green card and works two full-time jobs as a nurse's assistant, paid special attention to the older child. She bought the girl pretty dresses and white patent leather shoes, expenses she hadn't anticipated.
The Riviera Beach family also ran into complicated legal issues involving the children's care and their parents' assets. They tried to transfer the girl to their school district, but were overwhelmed by the paperwork necessary to gain guardianship of the girl. The children's parents had no opportunity to tie up loose ends, Phadael said, and their financial security began to unravel.
The sister who took care of the Sunrise home fell behind on the bills. The family tried to sell it. Eventually, they found a renter, but the rent checks never appeared, and the parents found themselves embroiled, from afar, in an eviction process.
As the weeks ran on, the family also grappled with what to tell the children about their parents' departure, opting to say nothing. The children seemed to know anyway, they reasoned.
A giant step backward
Once, the 5-year-old girl pointed to a portrait of Phadael's family and asked why she wasn't in it.
Then, speaking to her mother in Haiti by phone, the child asked, "Are you really alive, or are you dead?"
Sometimes, her mother said she fell into fits of worry, concerned that her little girl wasn't eating. When that happened the mother asked her sister-in-law to put the phone to the girl's jaw. She listened to the chewing.
"They tell you your children are eating well, but the doubt lingers," she said. "It's not easy to describe."
Back in Haiti, the parents kept moving, afraid their political enemies would come after them. Kidnappings had become rampant during their absence. Haitians with U.S. ties are thought to have money, making them especially vulnerable.
The couple moved frequently between the homes of family and friends to avoid detection.
From a tidy Sunrise street, they moved to a maze of dirt roads and open sewers. The journey to meet them winds past dogs with protruding ribs, a man selling sugar cane from a wheelbarrow, a dead goat with stiff legs poking the air.
"Haiti is a hard place," said the mother, sitting on a stifling patio, ringed by an iron security grate, weeks after her deportation. "I would not like my children to come here. I myself don't have any safety. I don't want to expose my children to that."
Their homeland greeted them with an unemployment rate near 70 percent. There were no jobs.
"The little money I saved, I'm using," said the mother. "I want my children to go to college and have a profession. ... I don't see how we can pay for college now."
In October, a new split altered the family dynamic.
The boy's overwhelmed relatives packed a suitcase and flew him to Haiti to reunite with his parents. The couple was still unsure of their security situation, but they decided to give it a try. As their son hadn't started school yet, the move seemed less disruptive to him, his parents said. Their daughter should stay in the United States as long as possible, they decided, since she already had started school and had better opportunities there.
A second aunt, in Royal Palm Beach, agreed to take the girl, to share the financial burden. She put her mind to properly explaining the situation to the child, who continued to ask for her parents.
"I took her to the park, and then I sat her down there," said the aunt, who has legal status but still requested anonymity.
She pointed to a small leather couch next to a sliding patio door, where her own children had parked two Barbie dune buggies.
"I told her that her mom was not born here. And they don't want her here. They sent her back to her country," she recalled in a quiet, tight voice. "I said, `Your mom loves you. And she let you stay here. One day you can go back to Haiti, but she wants a good life for you. ... You stay here.
  #1  
By bana2166 on 02-26-07, 11:50 AM
news 3 Honduran kids face deportation

3 Honduran kids face deportation
February 26, 2007, 9:18 AM EST
NEW YORK -- In her 13 years, Wendy Mejia-Garcia has witnessed more than her share of turmoil.
Her mother abandoned the family. Her father left his children in Honduras to find work in the U.S. Then, the family says, the three children were abused by relatives, prompting the father to smuggle them to America.
On Friday, the family suffered another setback: An immigration judge said he had no authority to stop the government from deporting Wendy, her sister Ixy, 12, and her brother Tony Josue, 10. The children are now seeking asylum, but it's a long shot.
Still, Wendy says she's not giving up hope.
"I have faith in the future," Wendy said through a translator. "Things will go well in the future."
The family's situation is the result of a dilemma posed by the designation of certain foreigners in the United States as having "temporary protected status."
The designation lets people stay in the U.S. so long as their home country is considered unsafe or unstable, such as during a war or recovering from a natural disaster. Just a handful of countries are on the list.
The children's father, Margarito Mejia, was granted such status. But the status does not offer benefits such as being able to sponsor relatives to come live in the United States. Families who are separated often turn to illegal entry to reunite.
Mejia left Honduras in 1998 after Hurricane Mitch destroyed his small farm. He entered the United States illegally, but the U.S. government's decision to place Honduras on the temporary protected status list because of the hurricane allowed him to live and work legally. He built a successful home contracting business.
In mid-2005, a friend told him that the girls were being molested by a male cousin. The boy, too, was suffering physical abuse, his father said. The Associated Press does not identify alleged victims of sexual abuse in most cases, but the family of the Mejia-Garcia children has gone public with their story and the children's names have been reported by other news outlets.
Mejia arranged to have his children smuggled into the U.S. soon after hearing of abuse, but they were caught by authorities, their lawyer David Sperling said. The children were released to their father. The family lives in Brentwood in Long Island where the children attend school.
All the while, as their case worked its way through the immigration system, the threat of deportation loomed.
Sperling said the children were diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder as a result of abuse they suffered. Wendy at first kept imagining she saw a man trying to hurt her, and sometimes she'd refuse to even go to the bathroom because she was scared, her father said.
On Friday, Sperling acknowledged an asylum claim would be hard to prove -- abused children don't necessarily fit into the general categories of the law -- but he also said it was worth trying. As the children, their father and stepmother Maria, a Salvadoran woman also here under temporary protected status, sat crammed in a bench behind him, Sperling told the judge the case was one of the most compelling he has encountered.
"They have no one in their home country to take care of them," Sperling said.
In explaining immigration authorities' refusal to abandon the deportation, a government attorney reminded the court that the children had been smuggled in illegally.
Much about the family's life in the U.S. is tenuous. Even the father may one day have to return to Honduras, because there is no direct route from temporary status to becoming a permanent legal resident, said Shawn Saucier, a spokesman for U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.
Honduras has been on the list of temporary protected status countries since 1999. Some 78,000 Hondurans are in the U.S. with the designation. Other countries on the list include Burundi, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Sudan and Somalia and Liberia. More than 330,000 people are in the United States under temporary protected status.
Critics say the temporary designations often last far too long, and that those here tend to establish deep roots, making them less likely to leave once their country is deemed ready to take them back.
The designation "is a real problem for the United States because it represents our unwillingness to enforce the law but also our unwillingness to let the illegals stay permanently," said Mark Krikorian, executive director of the Center for Immigration Studies, a think tank that wants more restrictions on immigration.
After the Friday session, the Mejia-Garcia children sat in a cafeteria in a federal building in Manhattan without a smile as they learned they would have to come back to court for an asylum hearing in November. They hadn't been able to sleep the night before.
Their father tried to maintain a calm composure in front of the family. He echoed his daughter Wendy's confidence.
"I have faith," he said. "I believe justice will prevail."
Copyright 2007 Newsday Inc.
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  #2  
By bana2166 on 02-26-07, 01:14 PM
news U.S. adding fugitive squads that target immigrants who ignore expulsion orders

U.S. adding fugitive squads that target immigrants who ignore expulsion orders
February 26, 2007
Far from the dusty Mexican border and Florida's coastal waters, federal authorities have stepped up the battle to control immigration, and, in many cases, the new front is just down the block.
A fast-growing network of fugitive squads is tracking and arresting undocumented immigrants inside the United States, in living rooms and on front doorsteps.
Though the squads' principal targets are terrorism suspects and convicted criminals, more than half of the people they snare are immigrants who lost legal bids for asylum or other relief, and then remained here illegally. Many have paid taxes, sent their U.S.-born children to public schools -- and quietly ignored a judge's order to leave the United States.
They're called "absconders," and increasingly they are the targets of federal fugitive squads.
Immigration authorities began the program in 2002 with eight teams, including one in Miami. After a gradual expansion, federal officials made the teams a bigger priority, pushing their number last year to 50, with two in South Florida. Authorities plan to add 20 teams this year.
"People need to be identified. Post 9-11 taught us this," said Mike Rozos, field director of Detentions and Removals in Florida, and one of the creators of the Fugitive Operations Program. Rozos said his forces go after criminals and noncriminals alike.
"We have 12 million illegal aliens in the country," he said. "Who are they? Are they your domestic, doing the house cleaning chores, or are they here to do something else?"
Here for years
By the time federal agents knocked on her door in November, Elizabeth Pozada had lived here 15 years.
A week later, she sat on a sofa, which she would soon give away, making lists of things to cancel, her belongings piled on the curb.
Immigration agents initially took Pozada and her husband from their Coral Springs home and detained them. Authorities then released Pozada for two weeks to settle her affairs in the United States before her deportation to Peru.
She said she would leave her house for foreclosure and her 8-year-old son, born in the United States, would move in with her brother, a naturalized U.S. citizen, also in Coral Springs.
"We don't have a family anymore," she said, sitting amid stacks of plates and boxes of video games.
Having found a foothold as a manicurist and house cleaner, Pozada applied for political asylum with her husband in 2001 and was denied. She said she thought her lawyer was appealing her case when immigration agents arrived at her door.
Pozada said she had paid income and Social Security taxes and sent her son to public school.
"All these years I did the best I can," she said. "I never applied for any [welfare] help. I don't have one returned check, and suddenly they send me back. I have to pack my 15 years in six suitcases."
More than half a million other absconders live in the United States, according to federal estimates, and their numbers have been growing faster than arrests. Authorities say their goal is to find as many as enter the system, and then tackle the backlog.
Rozos' office also pursues jailed immigrants who are eligible for deportation. Authorities look for inmates with drug possession, rape, gang violence or even lesser charges and intervene before they leave jail.
In 2006, Rozos' agents deported 4,417 immigrants; 1,900 of them, or 43 percent, had criminal convictions.
Before the fugitive program began, Rozos said, there was no comprehensive system for identifying and deporting immigrants with criminal records. A national screening center now identifies them before they leave 119 of the nation's federal prisons and with local jails that cooperate.
Noncriminal absconders are not always hard to find, either, as they leave paper trails in the immigration courts where they sought permission to stay here.
Failed honor system
According to Victor Cerda, former national head of detentions and removals at the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency, roughly 85 percent of immigrants that federal judges tell to leave the United States disregard the ruling. He considers fugitive squads one of the most effective tools to ensure such people leave they country. Before the fugitive teams, federal authorities largely ignored absconders.
"The honor system has not worked," Cerda said.
It makes a joke of the immigration system and its attention to providing due process, he said, "to have 500,000 absconders running around and no one knows where they are."
Advocates for stricter immigration controls say federal officials should do more to keep people who are denied immigration benefits from remaining in the country. They suggest more detention beds to hold immigrants who pose a flight risk, and a bonding system, like the one in place for criminal suspects, while cases move through the courts.
Immigrant rights groups say most of today's absconders have spent a long time trying to legalize their status, seeking asylum, for example, and should not be treated like outlaws. They insist many leave the United States voluntarily, without informing officials, and they question whether immigrants are truly receiving their final removal orders, sent by mail to them and their lawyers.
As the nation debates what to do about the federal immigration system, politicians and everyday citizens say they are deeply frustrated with the growing number of immigrants here illegally. But competing proposals to overhaul U.S. immigration law stalled in Congress last year.
A Senate bill would have made it easier for immigrants to come to the United States legally while bolstering security at the U.S.-Mexican border and providing a path to citizenship for millions of immigrants living here without authorization. A House version focused solely on enforcement, including heavy fines on employers who hire undocumented workers.
"There is widespread criticism of our broken immigration system. That's actually accurate, it is an out-of-control system," said Christina DeConcini, policy director at the National Immigration Forum in Washington, D.C., which advocates for stricter border controls and legalization for undocumented immigrants.
"But if we are using our enforcement funds to chase down busboys and gardeners who don't have criminal backgrounds, instead of going after people who want to cause harm, that's not an efficient use of our limited resources," she said.
It's unclear whether the new Democratic Congress will slice or boost spending for enforcement measures like extra detention spaces and deportations.
Meanwhile, federal authorities estimate 40,000 new absconders slip below the radar every year. For many, this means stepping out of a final hearing and back onto the street. They go home and quietly get on with their lives, hoping immigration agents never come knocking on the door.
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