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<!-- google_ad_section_start -->Chapter XIV - Henri Christophe, President and King from 3/9/1811 to 3/29/1818<!-- google_ad_section_end -->
Chapter XIV - Henri Christophe, President and King from 3/9/1811 to 3/29/1818
Multiple pages article
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Page 1

The cries of Liberty forever! Down with tyranny! were heard on all sides as Dessalines fell dead. In the Western and Southern provinces, where the insurrection had inflamed the people's minds, the Emperor's death provoked a strong reaction against the political regime he had established. The discipline of the army felt the effect of this reaction; soldiers deserted their regiments. And the citizens seemed to think that there was no longer any restraint to their will. There was but little show of authority and it looked as though license had replaced Dessalines's absolutism. This state of affairs was far from
being satisfying to Christophe, who had become Chief of the Provisional Government. In reality he had the same ideas as Dessalines concerning the prerogatives of a ruler. Moreover, the insurrection had not had time to enter the Northern province, which was under his command; thus he was able to maintain the severe discipline which he had established there. Like his former chief, Christophe thought that for the time being absolute power was the only system possible in Haiti. Therefore, he intended to pursue the same plan of action which Dessalines had instituted. In consequence he was distrustful of the new ideas current in the Western and Southern provinces, where they were discussing the advisability of restricting the powers of the ruler of the country and of taking precautions against a possible restoration of tyranny. Fixing his suspicions upon the originators of this movement he cautiously remained with his army at Cap.
Christophe and Pétion
Alexandre Pétion was undoubtedly the leading spirit among the generals who were planning to limit the authority of the ruler of Haiti. Great was the contrast between the two men whom coming events were going to set at enmity one against the other.
Pétion was born in Port-au-Prince on the 2d of April, 1770. A free man by birth, he studied mathematics, and became one of the best artillerymen of his time; he was also a competent silversmith.
Pétion's father was a white Frenchman by the name of Sabes; he owed to the accident of his birth the advantage of a cultivated mind. Of a sickly constitution he was phlegmatic and easy-tempered; his tastes were simple and he was known for his kindness and his benevolence.
Christophe was born in the island of San-Christopher In 1789. According to Listant Pradine (Lois et Antes, 1807, p. 199) he was born at Grenada on the 8th of October, 1787. Christophe was still a slave when the events which led to the abolition of slavery took place in Saint-Domingue.
Christophe born and raised in slavery, was very little inclined to pity. Of a tall and muscular build, with bright and intelligent eyes as his most striking feature, he seemed the very embodiment of force. One of his defects was the love of ostentation; when he was a French general his home at Cap-Francais was celebrated for its luxurious richness, and his mode of entertainment was pompous. He was of a sanguine and passionate nature, chafing easily under the slightest restraint.
Pétion was often actuated by his heart, whilst Christophe rarely allowed himself to be thus ruled. The former trusted the people, in the welfare of whom he was deeply interested; be contemplated granting them wise liberties and thought that it would be possible to instill into them a liking for work by making them the owners of the land they had watered with their blood. Christophe had very little faith in the improvement of the people through the enjoyment of liberty; he was convinced that an iron hand would more easily and more quickly compel the people to work. Two men of such vastly different natures could not possibly have the same political ideas. It was no wonder then that whilst Pétion was thinking of establishing a republican form of government, Christophe, if he were not inclined to the maintenance of the monarchy, wished at least to create a strong and forcible executive power. On account of this difference of opinion the two Generals were already at odds when on November 3, 1806, Christophe, in his capacity of Chief of the Provisional Government, summoned the citizens in order to elect a Constituent Assembly which was to meet at Port-au-Prince on the 30th of the same month. In the province of the North and in the Artibonite, which were under Christophe's direct influence, there were more parishes than in the West and in the South. The Chief of the Provisional Government was therefore sure of having in the Assembly a majority willing to support him. In consequence, he caused a draft of a constitution suitable to his ideas to be prepared.
To counteract Christophe's plans Pétion authorized the election of Deputies in many small towns in the Western and Southern departments, which had hitherto never been represented. He himself became a member of the Constituent Assembly, the majority of which he had now secured; and in his turn he prepared the draft of a constitution.
The Constitution of 1806
By increasing the number of the members of the Assembly, Pétion had unquestionably disregarded the authority of the Chief of the Provisional Government. The latter was not disposed to suffer any such infringement of his prerogatives and when, on the 18th of December, 1806, the Assembly met in the church at Port-au-Prince, the breach between the two Generals was complete. The Deputies from the Northern and Artibonite provinces at once protested against the presence of those whom they considered as unlawfully elected. But no notice was taken of their protest. A committee, of which Pétion was appointed the chairman, was commissioned to draw up and to submit to the Assembly the draft of the Constitution.
In a proclamation of December 24, Christophe openly declared many of the most important members of the Assembly to be rebels; he then prepared to march against Port-au-Prince. Yet on the 27th of December Pétion submitted the report of the committee to the Assembly and that same day the Constitution was adopted. Immediately the Deputies from the Northern and Artibonite provinces dispatched to Christophe a written protest against the so-called "Constitution, the consequence of intrigue and malevolence, and against all that may follow until the dissolution of the Assembly."
The Constitution of 1806 established a republican form of government; as an evidence of the distrust then existing against Christophe, exaggerated precautions were taken against the Chief of the Executive Power, whose authority was greatly curtailed. All the powers were centred in one body, the Senate, which had the entire possession of all executive, legislative, and military functions. The Senate alone had the right to appoint the civil and military functionaries, to determine their duties and the place of their residence; it had the direction of the foreign affairs and was, in consequence, authorized to draw up all treaties; it had the initiative in the matter of laws and legislative measures; it assumed also the privileges of a Supreme Court. The President of the Republic, elected for four years, was simply invested with the care of proclaiming the acts adopted by the Senate and of taking the necessary steps for their execution; and although he was the Commander-in-Chief of the Army he was not allowed to confer any title or rank.
Believing that in this manner it had put an effectual stop to any tendency toward despotism, the Constituent Assembly, on the 28th of December, 1806, elected Christophe President of Haiti ; the same day the twenty-four members of the Senate were also elected.
Nevertheless, Christophe, who had not received any notification of his election, continued on his march against Port-au-Prince at the head of a formidable army.
The Senate met on the 31st of December, and regarded Christophe's soldiers, who were then at l'Arcahaie, as enemies.
However, according to the new Constitution, the President-elect was granted fifteen days in which to take the oath of the office. Before the expiration of this time he could not, in the absence of any overt action on his part, be considered as having declined the office or being in rebellion against the Constitution, a copy of which they had not even thought of sending him. Yet when Christophe's soldiers reached Sibert on the 15th of January, 1807, they encountered the army of the Western and Southern provinces under the command of Pétion. A fierce battle ensued. Pétion was utterly defeated and would have been killed but for the devotedness of one of his aides-de-camp, Coutilien Coustard, who, noticing the danger in which his chief stood, seized the hat adorned with gold lace usually worn by Pétion and placed it on his own head. He was thus mistaken for his General and killed.
chapter_xiv_henri_christophe_president_king_3_9_1811_3_29_1818-henrychristophe.jpg
Haiti History Chapters
First Inhabitants
Christopher Columbus
Cacique Henri
Flibusteers and Buccaneers
French Saint-Domingue
Slaves Uprising
Civil Commissioners
English Occupation
Toussaint Louverture
Leadership of Dessalines
The Independence War
Jean Jacques Dessalines
Alexandre Petion
Henri Christophe
Jean-Pierre Boyer
Guerrier -- Pierrot — Riché
Faustin Soulouque
Fabre Geffrard
Sylvain Salnave
Nissage Saget
Michel Domingue
Boisrond Canal
Lysius Salomon
Francois D. Légitime
Florville Hyppolite
Tirésias Simon-Sam
Pierre Nord Alexis
Decades of Instability
François Antoine Simon
Cincinnatus Leconte
Tancrède Auguste
Michel Oreste
Oreste Zamor
Davilmar Theodore
General Vilbrun Guillaume Sam
Philippe Sudre Dartiguenave
Louis Borno
Louis Eugène Roy
Sténio Vincent
Note on the US Occupation
Élie Lescot
Dumarsais Estimé
Paul Eugene Magloire
Provisional Governments
Joseph Nemours Pierre-Louis
Franck Sylvain
Executive Government Council
Daniel Fignolé
Antonio Thrasybule Kebreau
François Duvalier
Jean-Claude Duvalier
Provisional Governments
Henry Namphy
Leslie Manigat
Prosper Avril
Herard Abraham
Ertha Pascal-Trouillot
Jean-Bertrand Aristide
Raoul Cédras (Military Junta)
Joseph Nérette (provisional)
Émile Jonassaint (provisional)
René Préval
Jean-Bertrand Aristide (II)
Boniface Alexandre (provis.)
2006 Election Controversies
René Préval (II)
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References
HAITI HER HISTORY AND DETRACTORS
By J.N. Leger
New York: The Neale Publishing Company, 1907
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  #1 (permalink)  
By TiCam on 04-29-07, 12:44 AM
Les Manufactures Royales de Christophe

Parmi les réalisations particulièrement spectaculaires de Christophe on ne compte pas souvent les manufactures royales du Cap et de Sans-Souci. On oublie que, sous l'administration de Christophe, les Haïtiens se ventaient déjà d'une cotonnade fabriquée en Haïti même dans les ateliers du roi. Ces filatures s'approvisionnaient du coton provenant des grandes plantations de l'Artibonite ou du Plateau central, et les Haïtiens de l'époque s'habillaient fièrement avec un tissu qu'ils fabriquaient eux-mêmes, à partir d'un coton planté, récolté, égrené, peigné, filé, cardé et tissé dans leur propre pays. En plus d'avoir introduit l'exploitation industrielle du textile en Haïti, Christophe avait établi une fonderie à Sans-Souci qui fabriquait des boulets, des canons et des affûts de bouche à feu.
Dantès Bellegarde, un historien haïtien que l'on ne peut aucunement suspecter de se montrer exagérément élogieux à regard de Christophe, écrit dans son livre, Histoire du peuple haïtien, en parlant de son administration : "L'industrie reçut des encouragements. Une usine fut établie pour la fabrication des cotonnades. Les armes et munitions nécessaires aux troupes sortaient des manufactures royales." L'armée haïtienne s'équipait effectivement des munitions provenant de la Fonderie royale de Sans-Souci, laquelle fabriquait des boulets, des bombes mais aussi beaucoup d'objets d'utilité courante. La poudre et le salpêtre que l'on stockait dans la poudrière de la citadelle, provenaient des manufactures royales.
Une sorte d'amnésie collective tend à faire oublier aux Haïtiens la grandeur de leur pays et sa gloire d'autrefois. Universellement reconnue aujourd'hui comme le pays le plus pauvre de l'hémisphère, Haïti comptait encore, sous Christophe, parmi les premiers exportateurs mondiaux de café, d'indigot et de sucre terré, sous l'administration du roi, les places publiques étaient bien entretenues, les rues bien éclairées et les caisses de l'état prodigieusement bien garnies. Les troupes théâtrales jouaient des pièces "créoles" (entendez haïtiennes) à l'Opéra du Cap, l'Imprimerie du roi publiait régulièrement la Gazette royale.
Sous Christophe, Haïti était riche et respectée, elle engrangeait les énormes recettes de ses exportations, frappait une monnaie d'or à l'effigie de son monarque et négociait avec le roi d'Espagne l'achat de la partie de l'Est, l'actuelle République dominicaine. Haïti ne traînait pas de dette extérieure, elle ne connaissait pas non plus le déficit budgétaire et les biens de la nation n'étaient pas hypothèqués. Cette immense fortune nationale reposait essentiellement sur une agriculture dont l'infrastructure productive ressemblait à tous les égards à celle du Saint-Domingue de Toussaint Louverture : grandes habitations et plantation intensive de denrées industrielles d'exportation.
De son vivant même, Christophe était déjà une légende, c'était le Noir le plus célèbre au monde de l'époque, et la rumeur des richesses fabuleuses qu'il accumulait dans son royaume, la splendeur de ses châteaux rallumaient les convoitises du parti colon, excitait la cupidité, l'envie et l'admiration de toutes les puissances coloniales. Christophe n'avait sans doute pas suivi de longues études, mais épris d'ordre et de progrès, sa curiosité naturelle l'avait poussé à s'embellir l'esprit par la conversation, il admirait l'agilité intellectuelle des gens brillants, recherchait autant leur société que leurs conseils avisés. Christophe avait la vision d'un pays prospère et productif. Se souvenant que seulement une décennie avant son arrivée aux affaires, Saint-Domingue était encore la plus riche colonie de toute l'histoire des colonisations, il entendait restaurer la fortune du pays par le travail assidu de ses sujets.
Après la mort du roi, hélas, toutes les manufactures disparaîtront. Le président Boyer, dans sa politique de pacification, s'empressa de fermer sauvagement les manufactures royales, anéantissant ainsi de manière stupide et vengeresse l'infrastructure industrielle patiemment érigée par Christophe. Boyer trouva aussi dans le Trésor royal une somme fabuleuse que les plus prudentes estimations des fonctionnaires situaient autour de 21 millions de dollars. Pour mieux soustraire cette fortune à la comptabilité publique, Boyer créa les comptes non fiscaux de l'État qui resteront une des plus extraordinaires aberrations administratives haïtiennes.
Durant l'Occupation américaine, le conseiller financier W.W. Cumberland interdira formellement l'établissement d'une filature en Haïti afin de ne pas faire chuter le volume des importations de textiles au pays, ce qui pourrait nuire aux recettes douanières, garantes du remboursement de l'emprunt de 1922. Lescot lèvera cette contrainte administrative, mais c'est seulement sous la présidence d'Estimé, en 1948, que l'industriel Oswald Brandt inaugurera enfin une usine textile à Port-au-Prince, c'est-à-dire 128 ans exactement après la fermeture de celle de Christophe.
Les Haïtiens cultivés ne cachent jamais leur sympathie pour Pisistrate. Pisistrate c'est ce tyran athénien qui encouragea le commerce et l'industrie, érigea le Parthénon, construisit des routes, relia la ville d'Athènes au port de Phalère et amena par des conduits souterrains les sources des montagnes au coeur de la cité athénienne... S'ils éprouvent de l'admiration pour Pisistrate et manifestent des transports larmoyants en évoquant son oeuvre, les Haïtiens cultivés se gardent bien de s'extasier autant de ferveur devant les impressionnantes réalisations de Christophe que, bien au contraire, ils se chargeront de déprécier, de détracter et de diffamer.
Beaucoup d'historiens à l'esprit chagrin et des générations de guides pour touristes n'ont pas encore pardonné à Christophe l'immense richesse qu'il avait su créer dans son royaume, et pour expliquer les marques indéniables de faste et de progrès qu'il a laissées, ils s'évertuent avec persistance à le dépeindre très méchamment comme un mégalomane, un monarque dément, un tyran sanguinaire.
Jamais pourtant dans le cours de son histoire, Haïti ne se trouva aussi riche que sous le gouvernement de Henri Christophe, dont les qualités d'organisation, l'efficacité administrative, la gestion des affaires du pays ainsi que l'immense opulence qui en résulta, en font sûrement le plus grand chef d'État haïtien.
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